Interfaith relationship statistics teen

One-in-Five U.S. Adults Were Raised in Interfaith Homes | Pew Research Center

interfaith relationship statistics teen

The purpose of this research is to examine the relationship of interfaith Many teens feel that dating is part of the process of finding a marital partner. . two means is not great enough to achieve statistical significance (t = , p). Third, many of the statistics refer to marriage during the teen years. Very few, if any, collect information about how long a relationship had been established prior . In any case, while intermarriage is linked with lower rates of religious Far fewer married people in interfaith relationships see shared religious.

For a broader perspective that summarizes much of the field, I recommend Robert Wuthnow, America and the Challenges of Religious Diversity In chapter nine, Wuthnow makes a number of important summary observations.

Wuthnow finds that such couples tend to deemphasize the doctrinal aspects that differentiate their faiths and embrace the view that religions are essentially cultural traditions rooted in personal biography and private opinion. He also notes that mixed-married couples understand that their childhood more traditional clergy will not perform a mixed-marriage, but they do not care since there are plenty of progressive clergy who will. Wuthnow also notes that in many cases religiosity and mixed-marriage are, in many cases, two separate variables.

interfaith relationship statistics teen

An American can be religious and still intermarry and vica -versa, a nominal affiliate can be firmly against mixed marriages. Group identity and religious identity are separate variables. In practical terms that means that, a non-committed, non-affiliated young Jew in Brooklyn or Baltimore is statistically likely to adhere to endogamy, while the exogamy trend is strong for a Jew in the South-West or Pacific Northwest even if raised Orthodox.

My reader should also grasp that for many today Passover and Easter or Yom Kippur and Christmas are not mutually contradictory. One can be a Jew and a Christian —or a Jew and a Hindu —without a sense of contradiction.

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They are not seen by many Jews and Christians or Hindus as competing narratives. In addition, mixed marriages are often not the confrontation of unknowns from Philip Roth novels or old-time sitcoms.

Both sides are likely to know much about the other faith and feel comfortable in keeping both. They have been working or socializing together for years.

interfaith relationship statistics teen

In mixed marriages, the non-Jewish spouse may be the one in charge of making the Passover Seder, taking the children to synagogue, or even teaching Hebrew school. As a starting point, I recommend Jennifer A. Jewish on Their Own Terms: Jewish Men, Intermarriage, and Fatherhood Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Both books treat the claim that intermarriage poses the greatest threat to the American Jewish community as bombastic rhetoric.

For a historically sense before contemporary US, here are some older statistics from the start of the 20th century. Ordinary Modern Orthodox Jews are talking about this topic, even if it has not yet reached the rabbis. Similar to the belated discover of the high attrition rate in Modern Orthodox in the last few years, this too needs to be acknowledged. Last month, my son, married a non-Jewish woman in an interfaith marriage lead by a liberal Rabbi. I participated along with my family in the ceremony.

I am aware of 5 families in my observant MO circle of friends that have dealt with interfaith marriages in the last eighteen months. The parents are in stable long term marriages of 28 plus years.

The families are all observant — shomer shabbat, kashrut, and taharat hamishpacha. All parents went through various stages of shame, anger, confusion and guilt. I will address my personal feelings at the end of article.

This is something new and growing in the MO community. Are my personal anecdotes a rarity or a growing trend that is rapidly emerging when increasing numbers of children of Modern Orthodox families grow up and decide not to continue Orthodox life?

There are no statistics in the recent Pew report or any other survey for this phenomenon. Regardless of the statistics, many in our community have the subjective sense that something is changing.

An issue which not long ago was never discussed, whether or not it was actually occurring, or was regarded as a problem only for others, now has a growing place on the communal agenda. What has changed, why, and what can we do about it? Personal Theories In discussion with friends numerous theories were offered. Is it the next step in a community where increasing numbers of grown children of MO families decides not to continue Orthodox life.

It seems that the identity fashioning they receive in MO schools and at home is very tightly tied to just ritual observance. Perhaps the Hareidi subliminal view of all or nothing worldview seeped into the 21st century MO and once our children become non-religious, the hierarchy of forbidden actions go by the wayside.

America, in short, would not accept the Jews — not into social clubs, nor neighborhoods, nor boards nor colleges. This kept intermarriage rates low.

interfaith relationship statistics teen

This changed in the s. Jews went to college in record numbers. Other key findings from the survey include: These findings are consistent with other research showing that women are generally more religious than men. This is partly because when one parent or another takes the lead role in the religious upbringing of children, the mother is named as the lead parent far more often than the father.

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For more detail, see the discussion above. While most married people say they and their spouse are about equally religious, those who say one partner is more religious than the other mostly say it is the wife — not the husband — who is most religious in their marriage. Among adults who were raised in a single-religion household, those for whom religion was a salient feature of their childhood i.

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A note on how the study defines religious mixing There are many possible ways to define religiously mixed families. In this report, a religiously mixed couple consists of either two people who have different religious identities e. For married respondents, this report uses the term intermarried as a synonym for religiously mixed couples. Two people who have the same religious identity are referred to as a religiously matched couple.

Pairings that combine people from different Protestant denominational families e.

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This analytical decision has important consequences for the figures reported here. The report uses this conservative approach to estimating religious mixing because the substantive importance of intra-Protestant combinations is not always clear. Some may involve individuals from denominations with deep historical, theological and cultural differences.

In other cases, individuals from nominally distinct Protestant denominations may have much in common, religiously. But many Protestants are unable or unwilling to identify with a specific denomination. For all these reasons, in the absence of complete information about the denominational affiliation of all respondents, this report errs on the side of adopting a conservative approach to estimating religious mixing by treating Protestantism as a single religious category.

Respondents are defined as having been raised in a single religious background if they say they were raised either by a single parent or by two people who had the same religious identity as each other, as described above. Respondents raised in a mixed religious background are those who say they were raised by two people who did not have the same religion as each other.

This report focuses only on those who are married. Religious intermarriage may lead to decreased religiosity. Alternatively, people who are not particularly religious to begin with may be more likely to marry a spouse with a different religion. While it is possible that some respondents are in same-sex marriagesthese marriages are estimated to make up a small percentage of all U.

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But a substantial minority of Muslims in a number of countries surveyed do see religious strife as a major issue. Among Muslims in Central Asia as well as Southern and Eastern Europe, fewer than four-in-ten consider religious conflict a very big problem in every country surveyed.

In the other countries surveyed in these regions, less than a quarter see religious conflict as a very big problem. In Southeast Asia as well, relatively few Muslims see religious conflict as a serious problem. Overall, the survey finds that opinions about whether religious conflict is a very big problem track closely with opinions about ethnic conflict as a problem.

In every country surveyed, Muslims who see religious conflict as a very big problem in their country are more likely than those who see it as a less serious issue to consider conflict between ethnic groups to be a major national concern.

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In Thailand, a small percentage of Muslims report hostilities between Muslims and Buddhists in their country.

In nearly every country surveyed in Central Asia and Southern and Eastern Europe, fewer than a quarter of Muslims perceive widespread religious hostilities. Familiarity With Other Faiths In only three of the 37 countries where the question was asked do at least half of Muslims say they know a great deal or some about Christian beliefs and practices. In Thailand, where Muslims were asked to rate their knowledge of Buddhism, less than one-in-five say they are familiar with the Buddhist faith.

However, substantial proportions of Muslims in the sub-Saharan African countries surveyed do say they know some or a great deal about the Christian faith. Fewer than one-in-five Muslims say they are familiar with Christianity in only one sub-Saharan African country: Elsewhere in Southern and Eastern Europe, as well as Central Asia, fewer than one-in-four Muslims are familiar with the Christian faith. But fewer than one-in-five Muslims in other countries in the region say they know some or a great deal about the Christian religion.

In Thailand, most Muslims see Islam and Buddhism as very different. In general, Muslims in sub-Saharan Africa are more likely than their counterparts in other regions to say that Islam and Christianity have a lot in common. Elsewhere in Central Asia and Southern and Eastern Europe, no more than about three-in-ten believe the two faiths have a lot in common.

In five of the seven countries surveyed in the Middle East and North Africa, a majority or plurality see Islam and Christianity as very different religions. Knowledge Related to a Sense of Commonality Muslims who say they know at least something about Christianity are considerably more likely than those with less knowledge to believe the two faiths have a lot in common.

And in most countries surveyed, few are comfortable with the idea of their son or daughter marrying outside the faith. Sub-Saharan Africa is the one region where the contact between Muslims and non-Muslims is often more frequent. For instance, substantial percentages Muslims in the region report that their families include both Muslims and Christians.